Of Gaps and Bridges

Israel MK Yair Lapid, the leader of the Yesh Atid party, recently took to the podium of the Knesset to blast the Netanyahu government for its refusal, in his view, ever to say “no” to the political and monetary demands of the ḥaredim. Perhaps the most dramatic part of his speech (see the clip) touches upon the ongoing dispute over the nature of public (i.e., legally required) Shabbat observance in Israel. Lapid as we’d expect from a “secularist” (ḥiloni) politician, argues against religious coercion.  I agree with you, he tells a ḥaredi government minister, about the importance of Shabbat to the Jewish people. But *you* do not get to define Shabbat for *me*. Just as I would not tell you how to observe Shabbat in your home and your neighborhood, so you shouldn’t tell me how to observe Shabbat where I live! He is saying, in so many words, that Judaism is a personal thing. I and no one else – and definitely not Orthodox rabbis – am entitled to make my own religious decisions as to how I shall practice Judaism in personal space.

As good Jewish religious liberals who condemn anything that smacks of religious coercion, we applaud Lapid’s words. But before we cheer him too loudly, let’s consider the implications of his words (though his intent may be different). If we read him literally, Lapid is describing an unbridgeable gap between two irreconcilable worldviews. On the one side is modernity, with its classical liberal commitment to the sanctity of individual freedom. Faith, according to this worldview, is entirely a private matter; it is up to each of us to decide for him/herself whether and how to practice religion. On the other side is the Orthodoxy represented by the ḥaredi government minister, a Judaism defined by a system of mitzvot and חיובים (obligations) that makes no room for freedom of choice. In that world, religion is most definitely not a private matter but something compulsory, a set of proper behaviors determined by halakhah, the Jewish legal tradition as interpreted by the proper (read: Orthodox) authorities. If this is what Lapid really means, namely that the two worldviews are mutually exclusive, then we have no alternative but to stand on one side of that gap or on the other. And as liberals, our choice ought to be obvious.

We at the Freehof Institute are uncomfortable with this one-side-or-the-other approach. Yes, we are liberals, proud citizens of the culture of modernity, and champions of individual freedom. At the same time, we do not believe that individual freedom is an end in itself. To put this differently, we are Jews as well as liberals. And as Jews, we are in search not only of the right to make our own religious decisions – a right that as moderns we already possess – but of substance, a rich and meaningful Jewish life. And since Judaism is and always has been a practice-centered faith, the source of that substance is the halakhah – yes, the Jewish legal tradition with all its talk of mitzvot and obligations –that body of thought and writing in which Jews for nigh on to 2000 years have argued and worked out their decisions about sacred practice. For serious liberal Jews to reject halakhah is therefore self-defeating, not a viable option. What we require, rather, is a halakhah that speaks to the modern spirit, a “liberal” or “progressive” halakhah (hence our name!) that offers a life of Jewish substance and meaning to Jews who stand on *our* side of that supposedly unbridgeable gap.

In other words, it’s not an either-or choice between modernity and halakhah. We can have both. To spread that message is the work of the Freehof Institute, a mission based upon our commitment to two fundamental truths: first, that there is no such thing as “Judaism” without halakhah, and second, that halakhah is too important to be left to the exclusive control of the Orthodox rabbinate.

What Is a Synagogue? And Who Gets to Decide?

Now that some time has passed since the horrific murders at Pittsburgh’s Tree of Life synagogue, it is appropriate that we turn our attention to one of the more disturbing public responses to that event: the outright refusal of Israel’s Ashkenazic Chief Rabbi David Lau to refer to Tree of Life as a synagogue. This, because Tree of Life defines itself as a Conservative congregation and because its building is home to several small, non-Orthodox congregations that worship there on Shabbat.

We will not bother here to excoriate the chief rabbi for his insensitivity and rank boorishness, his serving as yet another example of how some Jewish leaders prefer to fan the flames of divisiveness even at moments that so desperately call for unity. Instead, we think his remarks call for a brief and relatively uncomplicated shiur (lesson) in halakhah. The subject: what is a synagogue?

We begin with the p’sak (ruling) of Rambam in his Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot T’filah 11:1:

כל מקום שיש בו עשרה מישראל צריך להכין לו בית שיכנסו בו לתפלה בכל עת תפלה ומקום זה נקרא בה”כ, וכופין בני העיר זה את זה לבנות להם בה”כ ולקנות להם ספר תורה נביאים וכתובים.

1) Any locale in which ten Jews reside must set aside a building or room (bayit) into which they may assemble (yikansu) to pray at the set times for prayer. This place is called a synagogue (beit hak’nesset).
2) The members of the community may coerce each other to build a synagogue and to purchase a Torah scroll and other Biblical texts.

Notice that Rambam speaks here of two distinct issues. Paragraph 2) describes the power of the community to levy taxes for the building of a synagogue and the acquisition of the necessary liturgical texts. This rule is not original to Rambam. The source is the Tosefta (Lieberman ed. Bava Metzi`a 11:23), and Rambam’s great predecessor, R. Yitzhak Alfasi, has already cited it as authoritative halakhah (Hilkhot HaRif, Bava Batra, fol. 5a). The first paragraph, on the other hand, is original with the Mishneh Torah, for nowhere in the Rabbinic and earlier halakhic sources do we find this definition for a “synagogue”: that is, a “synagogue” is any structure that a congregation of ten Jews designates as such. The *beit k’nesset* (literally, “place of assembly”) acquires its status simply by the fact that the community assembles there to pray on a regular basis. Period; full stop; that’s all it takes to create a “synagogue.” Jews have been assembling to pray for many years at Congregation Tree of Life. Indeed, those who were gunned down on that awful Shabbat morning were among the most faithful members of its minyan. There can be no question, then, that Tree of Life where Jews is a synagogue according to halakhah.

This conclusion would presumably disturb the chief rabbi. He would respond that, even if Tree of Life were at one time a synagogue, it has lost that status due to the “sinful” activities conducted therein. After all, the congregation includes women in its minyan and acknowledges that their ritual status equals that of men. This, in the chief rabbi’s eyes, invalidates the prayer services at Tree of Life; one does not fulfill one’s halakhic obligation to pray by davening there.

Really? We will not bother here to rehearse the halakhic arguments in favor of women’s full and equal participation in Jewish ritual life. Suffice it to say that, even if the chief rabbi does not find those arguments convincing, there exists a real dispute (maḥloket) within the halakhic community over the question. Our point, though, is that even were we to grant the chief rabbi’s assertion that the t’filah at Tree of Life is somehow a transgression and a sin – which we don’t – that still would not alter the status of the place as a synagogue. Our authority for this claim is none other than R. Moshe Feinstein, who famously ruled that once a synagogue has been established and has served as a place of communal prayer, it does not lose its sanctity even if “sinful and scandalous acts” have taken place on the premises אלא ודאי דהקדושה שנעשה בביהכ”נ אינה יורדת שוב אף שלא מתנהגים שם בקדושה ואף כשעושים שם עבירות ועניני קלון (Resp. Ig’rot Moshe, Oraḥ Ḥayyim 1:46). It’s clear from R. Moshe’s discussion that the “scandalous acts” of which he speaks are a lot more scandalous than, say, a woman being called to the Torah – and yet, despite that sinful behavior, the place retains its sanctity and remains a synagogue.

No, we do not expect the chief rabbi to acknowledge the halakhic validity of the prayers uttered at Tree of Life. And we don’t imagine that he’ll be davening any time soon there or at any other non-Orthodox house of worship. We recognize that he, no less than anyone else, deserves his freedom of conscience and religious expression. But that freedom does not give him the power to declare that Tree of Life, or for that matter any particular structure that Jews use for prayer, is somehow not a synagogue. To repeat: Tree of Life is a synagogue because a community of Jews has designated it as such. The halakhah acknowledges their act as valid, even if the chief rabbi will not.

Their honor, and the memory of those who died on that terrible Shabbat in sanctification of the divine name, demand that the chief rabbi apologize. Failing that, maybe it’s best that he keep silent.

T’ruah, Sh’varim, and the Blessings of Pluralism

It’s a familiar feature of Rosh Hashanah observance, but let’s review.

The Mishnah (Rosh Hashanah 4:9) informs us that we are obligated to hear a minimum of nine blasts of the shofar on the New Year. The Talmud (B. Rosh Hashanah 33b-34a) derives this law from the Torah verses that speak of the shofar blasts during the month of Tishri (Numbers 29:1, Leviticus 25:9, and Leviticus 23:24): three times we are to hear the series t’kiah-t’ruah-t’kiah, for a total of nine blasts. So far so good – everybody agrees on the nature of this requirement. But then the consensus breaks down. While it’s obvious that t’kiah is a simple one-blast sound of the shofar, there’s a disagreement as to what, exactly, the Torah means by t’ruah. What should we do about it? The Shulḥan Arukh explains (Oraḥ Ḥayyim 590:2):

תרועה זו האמורה בתורה, נסתפק לנו אם היא היללה שאנו קורים תרועה, או אם היא מה שאנו קורים שברים, או אם הם שניהם יחד. לפיכך, כדי לצאת ידי ספק צריך לתקוע תשר”ת ג’ פעמים, ותש”ת ג’ פעמים, ותר”ת ג’ פעמים

We are uncertain as to exactly what the Torah means by t’ruah. Perhaps it is the wailing sound that we (customarily) call t’ruah; perhaps it is what we call sh’varim; perhaps it is both, together. Therefore, in order to remove all doubt (that we are fulfilling the mitzvah) we must sound t’kiah-sh’varim/t’ruah-t’kiah three times, t’kiah-sh’varim-t’kiah three times, and t’kiah-t’ruah-t’kiah three times.

Our passage, in other words, deals head on with the uncertainty… and refuses to resolve it! It does not demand that we determine the one correct way to sound the shofar.  It instructs us rather to follow both opinions, most obviously in order to make sure that “we’re doing it right,” but also – and we think primarily – to affirm the potential for truth in both sides of the maḥloket (dispute). Why decide between two perfectly good right answers when we don’t have to? This doesn’t always happen, of course. Frequently, halakhists subject the texts to close analysis in order to determine just which side of a disagreement is “right.” And no wonder: sometimes, on some issues, we simply cannot accommodate the existence of conflicting alternatives, and we have to decide between the available choices. But this text, this detail of Jewish religious observance reminds us that the halakhic tradition is capable of tolerating a good deal of ambiguity, an absence of definitive answers. The proper name for this is halakhic pluralism,[1] a state of affairs that permits us to study Torah on our own and to arrive at our best understandings of the texts without having to bow to some rabbinical establishment’s version of the right interpretation and “the” correct answer.

Such, at any rate, is how we at the Freehof Institute prefer to study the halakhah. And, we think, it’s a pretty good thought to keep in mind as the sound of the shofar greets the dawn of a new year.

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[1] Of which the picture above is a clear example.


The Kosher Cheeseburger, or: Goodbye to Marit Ayin

It’s the best news on the kashrut front since Oreo cookies went kosher.[1] We’re talking about the Impossible Burger, “The Burger Formerly Known as Plants,” a veggie patty that – try it if you don’t believe this – tastes almost like meat.[2]  And this is particularly good news for shomrei kashrut – kosher keepers – because the kosher certification of the Impossible Burger allows them to enjoy a kosher “cheeseburger” that tastes close enough to the real thing to win rave reviews from the cognoscenti.

Wait a minute, you might object: why would the Orthodox rabbinical authorities (poskim) accept the Impossible Cheeseburger as kosher? True, the patty is pareve, a purely vegetable concoction, so that to top it with with a slice of mozzarella would not transgress the prohibition against the consumption of meat-dairy mixtures (basar b’ḥalav). But while the Impossible Burger is not, in fact, meat, it sure looks (let alone tastes) like meat… and that would raise the problem of marit ayin (literally, “what the eye perceives”), a prohibition imposed by Rabbinic law upon actions that, though permissible in and of themselves, resemble prohibited actions. The concern is that  the unlearned Jew will draw the wrong conclusion from the observant Jew’s behavior. You’d therefore think that on grounds of marit ayin the poskim would say “no” to the veggie cheeseburger – and kal vaḥomer to the meaty-looking, smelling, and tasting Impossible Cheeseburger – lest the ignorant think “gee, that observant Jew is eating a cheeseburger, so it must be okay to eat dairy along with meat.”[3] But – good news again – Rabbi Shlomo Aviner,  a leading ḥaredi posek (albeit one with a penchant for making controversial, infuriating statements), has issued a p’sak  (ruling) in defense of the Impossible Cheeseburger (here, in Hebrew). His decision rests upon several grounds, the most important of which has to do with familiarity. That is, the prohibition of marit ayin applies only when the action in question is a relatively rare or unknown thing, making it more likely that onlookers will draw mistaken conclusions from it.[4] “But nowadays,” he writes, “everybody knows about (non-dairy) margarine, soy schnitzel, and pareve milk”.[5] So no problem: shomrei kashrut may serve Impossible Cheeseburgers at their next picnic.

Oops – did we say “no problem”? Well, not entirely, because Rabbi Aviner hedges on his heter (permissive ruling). It turns out, he says, that maybe everybody doesn’t know. “Since the kosher cheeseburger is a new invention,” he continues, “and since people will wonder at this,” one should eat it only while keeping it in its distinctive wrapper, so that innocent onlookers will not mistakenly conclude that this shomer kashrut is eating  a cheeseburger of the old-fashioned kind. Our posek, it seems, cannot bring himself to dispense with his concern over marit ayin after all. And that positively annoys us, because we think it’s time to consign marit ayin to the dustbin of halakhic history. It’s not that the concept has no value whatsoever. Indeed, marit ayin is a classic Jewish expression of the idea that our actions must not only be righteous; they must appear to be righteous to those with whom we live in community.[6] But in practice it has become much more an expression of intellectual elitism, of a rabbinical lack of faith in the basic intelligence of amkha, the average Jewish person. It is founded, to put it bluntly, upon a conviction that the average Jew is too ignorant to know the law and too shy (or maybe too dumb) to ask questions, so that, in our case, s/he is liable to be led astray at the sight of someone wearing a kippah and eating a veggie cheeseburger. For what it’s worth, we progressive halakhists do not share that conviction. We do not imagine that our fellow Jews are as clueless as all that, and we don’t think it’s a good idea to base religious policy upon such prejudice. We think it’s better – and we hope this suggestion doesn’t shock Rabbi Aviner[7] – to treat them like adults, to trust in their basic intelligence and common sense, and to presume that they will ask questions when they are perplexed. It’s better to explain matters of observance to our fellow Jews rather than simply to expect that they don’t (and won’t) understand.

In other words, it’s high time we said good-bye to the prohibition of marit ayin. That will be a hard sell to Orthodox poskim… but we trust not an Impossible one!

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[1] They’re kosher, but are they pareve? Although Oreos contain no dairy ingredients, they are baked on dairy equipment, which may be of concern to observant Jews who want to eat them along with a meat meal. We think the concern is overblown. Since the quantity of dairy “ingredients” that enter the Oreo batter in this way is infinitesimal, one can apply the batel b’shishim rule (according to which the offending ingredient is cancelled out if it amounts to less than 1/60 of the entire product) and eat the cookie. But there are complications – as always – and we won’t go into all that here.

[2] The magic ingredient is heme, a protein that transmits the meaty flavor that carnivores crave.

[3] See Shulḥan Arukh Yoreh De’ah 87:3, where Isserles allows the consumption of almond milk at a meat meal only if one places almonds next to the milk container, so that all will know that the “milk” is pareve.

[4] See Hilhot HaRosh, Nidah 9:7. As an example, Aviner cites the old Rabbinic prohibition against using silk thread to sew garments made of either linen or wool. That prohibition was valid, he remarks, at a time when silk was rare in Jewish communities, so that the onlooker might conclude wrongly that the action violated the prohibition against shaatnez. “But now that silk is widely available and everybody recognizes it for what it is, there is no reason for concern.”

[5] He’s not alone in this reasoning; Rabbi Ovadyah Yosef, in a responsum that Aviner cites, has said much the same thing and in more detail; Resp. Y’ḥaveh Da`at 3:59.

[6] In other words, it’s a positive good to conduct ourselves so as to avoid suspicion or a hint of scandal. See Mishnah Sh’kalim 3:2 and Bartenura ad loc.

[7] Of course, we doubt that he reads this blog. But you never know.

Facebook, Your Privacy, and the Halakhah

Facebook, along with other prominent Internet companies, has been much in the news lately. And the news is not good. The presenting issue is Cambridge Analytica, a voter-profiling firm that in 2014 harvested private information from over 87 million Facebook users without their permission. The event carries some significant political implications, given that two years later Cambridge Analytica would exploit this data while working for the U.S. presidential campaign of Donald Trump.  At least as great, though, is the negative effect that such breaches, which one commentator calls “an abuse of a civic relationship,” may work upon the very concept of personal privacy, an idea central to the fabric of the modern liberal society.  And even though some say that privacy today is either “dead” or no longer a “social norm“, many of us continue to think of privacy as an inalienable right, a sine qua non for the preservation of human dignity. Hence, the stated readiness of social media executives to accept greater privacy regulations, the movement in Europe to put some of those regulations into law, and the calls for competitors to arise and challenge Facebook’s domination of the market.

This blog doesn’t take sides on  social or political issues – at least, not usually – but seeks rather to consider how Jewish law might have us think about them. So we would be remiss not to mention that the halakhah arguably does recognize the existence of a “right”[1] to privacy. An article in a recent publication of the Freehof Institute discusses this idea in detail. It focuses in part on the writings of scholars like Nachum Rakover, an Israeli law professor and student of Jewish law (mishpat ivri) whose 2006 volume The Protection of Individual Privacy[2] is a pioneering achievement in the field. Rakover “discovers” a right to privacy[3] in Jewish law in much the same way that, over a century ago, Louis Brandeis and Samuel Warren[4] “discovered” such a right in the Anglo-American common law. They contended that various existing legal protections testify to the existence of a general principle[5] tantamount to a right to “individual privacy” even though the legal sources never explicitly mention that term. Just so, says Rakover, the existing halakhah offers similar protections: it forbids gossip and slander (r’khilut and l’shon hara) and various types of trespass into an individual’s domain, and it allows a person to be compensated for damage caused by prying eyes and perhaps by the overhearing of conversations. On this basis he concludes that Jewish law, too, protects  “individual privacy.” We won’t reproduce Rakover’s argument in its entirety here; the aforementioned article offers sources, comment, and analysis. Suffice it to say that privacy, whether or not it is defined as a “right,” is most definitely a Jewish value, which means in turn that the failure of Internet companies to adequately safeguard the personal data of their users is most definitely a particularly Jewish concern.

Which raises the following question: does halakhah‘s approach to privacy differ from that of other legal and cultural traditions? Is there something uniquely or particularly “Jewish” in the way that Jewish law speaks of “privacy”? Rakover and others suggest that the Jewish value of privacy is based upon (among other sources) the value of tz’niyut, a word often translated as “modesty” but that can also (and better) be rendered as “moderation” and “self-restraint.” That is to say, privacy in Jewish law stems not from a social contract but from the manner in which we, as good Jews and as human beings striving for decency, ought to comport ourselves in the world. Privacy is thus not simply a right to be protected but a demand upon our personal conduct: yes, the government and the corporations must safeguard our personal data, but we as individuals must act in such a way as to defend the boundaries of intimacy that shield our private lives from the gaze of others. In this case, to live in accordance with tz’niyut means that each of us ought to behave mindfully and moderately when online, to think carefully before we share our lives with the denizens of the virtual universe, and to consider the potential outcome of our actions before we post, upload, blog, text, or tweet.

The public indignation over Facebook’s failures reminds us of the need for constant vigilance: we must insist that public and private institutions take swift and decisive action in defense of what remains of our online privacy. But the message of Jewish law is that even if privacy is not yet dead, it will survive in this brave new digital world only if we, personally, act so as to show that we deserve it.

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[1] The scare quotes indicate that the legal term “right” is not native to traditional Jewish law which tends to speak in terms of duties and obligations we owe to God and to other people rather than of rights to which we are entitled. We speak of “rights” here because that usage is familiar in Western law. (The modern Hebrew term that Israeli lawyers use for “right” – זכות, z’khut – is a translation of that Western legal concept and not an expression of a traditional Jewish one.) Still, with the proper caveats, the word can be helpful in conveying our intentions. For example, while Jewish law does not speak of a “right” to private property, it does know of prohibitions – איסורים, isurim – against theft and robbery, and it does impose a duty to restore lost or stolen property to its owner. Thus, the individual enjoys an actionable expectation that the  legal possession of his/her property will be enforced. That’s close enough to a “right” to own, even if it’s not identical to it.

[2] ההגנה על צנעת הפרט, ירושלים, משרד המשפטים, 2006 . Significantly, the term he uses for “privacy” is not the modern Hebrew פרטיות, p’ratiyut, but rather tz’inat hap’rat, one that evokes the traditional Jewish value of “modesty” (צניעות, tz’niyut) that serves him as a basis for his construction of a “right to privacy” from the Jewish legal sources.

[3] See note 1: Rakover does not use the word “right” (z’khut), preferring to describe privacy as a “safeguarded value” (ערך מוגן, erekh mugan) in Jewish law.

[4] Samuel D. Warren and Louis D. Brandeis, “The Right to Privacy,” Harvard Law Review 4 (1890), pp. 193-220. Rakover mentions the Brandeis-Warren article in his first footnote, and it is interesting to speculate on the degree to which their approach to legal interpretation and construction influenced his own in this case. See the article cited above, at footnote #77.

[5] For Brandeis and Warren, the general principle is that the common law recognizes that each person possesses an “inviolate personality” (“Right to Privacy,” p. 205), while for Rakover (n. 2, at p. 310) bases the Jewish legal right to privacy on “basic principles (ekronot b’sisi’im) concerning love of one’s neighbor, human dignity, and the safeguarding of one’s good name.”

The Modern Child and Jewish Law

New from the Freehof Institute: our latest collection of articles and responsa: The Modern Child and Jewish Law, edited by Walter Jacob (Pittsburgh: Rodef Shalom Press, 2017, 230 + xi pp). The contents include:

“Boys Will Be Boys: Juveniles Then and Now” (Walter Jacob)
“Parents Blessing Their Children: The Minhag” (Ruth Langer)
“Child Abuse: A Study in Comparative American and Jewish Law” (Alan Mayor Sokobin)
“Educating Children: Responsibility of Teachers and Schools” (Brian Stoller)
“A Mitzvah of Inclusion: Halakhah Surrounding Special Needs Children” (Micah Streiffer)
“Halakhah as Translation: Custody of Children in Jewish Law” (Mark Washofsky)

Future posts will contain abstracts of these articles. But of course, it’s better to read the entire text! We’re working on digitizing our entire collection… keep checking this space for updates. In the meantime, the physical books are available free with a membership in the Institute.

On Reading Halakhic Texts, No. 1

(The first installment of an occasional series)

We read in Shulḥan Arukh Yore De`ah 336:3:

מי שיש לו סמנים, וחבירו חולה וצריך להם, אסור לו להעלות בדמיהם יותר מן הראוי

ולא עוד, אלא אפילו פסקו לו בדמיהם הרבה, מפני צורך השעה שלא מצאו סמנין אלא בידו, אין לו אלא דמיהן

(a) One who possesses medications that a sick person needs is forbidden to raise the price of those medications beyond their fair market value.[1]

(b) Moreover, even if the buyer has contracted to pay an exorbitant price for those medications – for the need is pressing and this seller is the only source for them – the seller is legally entitled only to their fair market price.

Our question: how does this text yield its meaning to us? Better: if there is more than one way to read a text of halakhah, how do we know which of those approaches is “right,” “correct,” or the most legitimate?

Taken on its face, considered according to its words alone, our text reads like a clarion call for social justice. Its first clause establishes an isur, a legal prohibition against price-gouging for vital medications, and its second clause puts some teeth into that rule: should the patient, out of desperation and for lack of an alternative, agree to pay the seller an inflated price for the drugs, a Jewish court (beit din) will refuse to enforce that otherwise legally binding  contract. In this reading, the institutions of government, represented here by the beit din,[2] bear the positive duty to protect the community against economic injustice in the area of medical care, a duty that overrides the court’s normal function of enforcing the law of contract. And from this positive duty, we might reasonably infer that those institutions have a broader responsibility to see to it that vital medical care is not denied to those in need due to their inability to pay. That is, when even  the fair market price for drugs and medical services[3] places a potentially crushing burden upon individuals and families – who like the patient in our text can be understood as desperate and lacking an alternative – our passage suggests that the institutions of government must intervene to right the wrong being done by the workings of the marketplace.

But it’s also possible to read this text not according to its words alone but in light of its context, that is, its legal and historical origins. The passage is taken almost verbatim from the 13th-century halakhic work Torat Ha’adam, composed by Rabbi Moshe ben Naḥman, otherwise known as Ramban or Naḥmanides.[4] And in that text – and unlike the Shulḥan Arukh – Ramban gives a reason for the beit din‘s refusal to enforce this contract. The buyer, he tells us, can always claim that “I was joking with you,” that he never seriously intended to pay the exorbitant price demanded for the medications and “agreed” to do so only in order to induce the seller to part with them.[5] This reading supports a very different conclusion from our first interpretation. Here, the legal justification for the court’s refusal to enforce is not the positive duty to secure economic justice but a much narrower negative duty that emanates  from the realm of private law: namely, the court will not enforce a contract that does not represent the true intent of both parties.  But from this limited rationale, it follows that should the desperate patient actually pay the seller for the drugs, then he can no longer claim “I was only joking with you,” and the beit din would have no grounds on which to intervene into the affairs of two private individuals. Which, indeed, is the conclusion drawn by R. Yosef Caro in his discussion of this rule in his compendium Beit Yosef: “once the patient has paid, he cannot recover (the overcharge) in court.”[6] And since Caro is also the author of the Shulḥan Arukh, his comment suggests that we have to read our text according to this narrower interpretation.

Yet the fact is that in the Shulḥan Arukh Caro does not mention Ramban’s rationale. He renders the halakhah in precisely the form as stated at the outset of this post, a form that allows for a broader reading that implies the government’s positive duty to protect the public against unconscionable healthcare costs.

So let’s restate the question. Are we permitted to read the p’sak of the Shulḥan Arukh according to its words alone, in isolation from its literary and historical context? If so, those words can support an interpretation that has broad implications for economic policy and social justice. Or is what we may correctly learn from a text restricted by its literary and historical origins? If that is the case, we must read this ruling according to Ramban’s rationale: it applies only to private contracts and says next to nothing about the positive duty of governments to intervene in the medical marketplace in order to insure that medical care is available to all at an accessible price.

Let’s acknowledge that there isn’t one correct answer to our question, at least not an answer that will persuade everybody.[7] But the very phrase “progressive halakhah” should indicate our own approach. So long as a text can plausibly be read in more than one way, we have a choice as to which interpretation to adopt. Why then would we not choose that interpretation which accords with the liberal values that best reflect the Torah’s call for justice and compassion? In this case, we would be inclined to read the ruling of the Shulḥan Arukh as its own self-standing p’sak (decision), precisely because that reading supports an outcome that makes for fairness not just for the individual but for the community as a whole. True, that reading separates the ruling from its historical source, from Ramban’s original justification of it. But since we are doing halakhah and not history, it is appropriate to ask:  why must a text of halakhah be understood precisely as it was understood by its author and by those for whom he first wrote it? Why would the texts of Torah be incapable of expanding beyond their origins so as to speak to all generations?

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[1] As the text indicates by the phrase להעלות בדמיהם יותר מן הראוי, which translates literally as “to charge a higher price than is appropriate.” Thus, in the concluding phrase אין לו אלא דמיהן – “(the seller) is legally entitled only to their price” – the word “price” means the appropriate price of the drugs. The “appropriate” price of commodities is determined by the workings of the marketplace; see M. Bava Metzi`a 4:3ff.

[2] The beit din in Jewish history has exercised legislative, executive, and regulatory powers alongside specifically judicial ones.

[3] It isn’t altogether certain that “additional medical services” includes the physician’s fee; according to some authorities, that fee is exempt from the “fair market price” rule described above. More about this in a future post.

[4] Sefer Torat Ha’adam, sha`ar hamiḥush, inyan hasakanah (ed. H. Chavel, Jerusalem, 1964, pp. 44-45). See Beit Yosef to Tur, Yore De’ah 336, s.v. mi she yesh lo simamanin.

[5] Ramban relies here upon B. Y’vamot 106a, משטה אני בך.

[6] Beit Yosef to Tur (Yore De`ah 336). He bases his conclusion upon Sefer HaMordekhai (Y’vamot, ch. 24) and Rashba (Responsa 1: 1246).

[7] In a similar way, lawyers and students of American constitutional theory debate whether the text of the U.S. Constitution should be read narrowly or broadly, whether it must be interpreted according to the “original intent” of its framers/adopters or whether, as a “living constitution,” its meaning may change over time to keep pace with the habits and values of contemporary society. That debate shows no sign of being resolved anytime soon. Perhaps we can call it a maḥloket l’shem shamayim (a dispute for the sake of Heaven)?

The Festival of (Electric) Lights?

It’s one of the most frequently asked questions about the observance of Hanukkah: can one fulfill the mitzvah to kindle the Hanukkah lights by means of an electric menorah? It’s frequently answered, too: most Orthodox poskim say “no.” To support this prohibition, the authorities cite a number of separate reasons: 1) the mitzvah calls for an act of “kindling” (hadlakah), and switching on an electric bulb does not meet that definition; 2) the electric bulb resembles a multi-wicked “torch” rather than a single light/lamp (ner); 3) the Hanukkah lamp must resemble the menorah in the Temple, the lights of which consisted of a wick and an exhaustible supply of fuel (oil or wax), whereas an electric light runs off the communal power grid; 4) electric lights fail to meet the requirement of pirsumei nisa, “to publicize the miracle,” because since people use them throughout the year they aren’t recognizable as Hanukkah lights; and on and on.

But what’s funny (and obviously we at this blog have a rather specialized sense of humor) is that these authorities all seem to disagree as to which reason prevails, and they tend to reject the arguments cited by others.[1] Which, of course, makes one wonder just how powerful and persuasive those arguments really are.[2] Could they be the real reason behind the opposition to the electric menorah? Besides, the poskim tend to accept the use of electric lights for the purpose of kindling the lights of Shabbat.[3] So what then makes the ner shel Hanukkah so different? Continue reading The Festival of (Electric) Lights?

The Persistence of Progressive Halakhic Ideas

      

Every now and then, we read of a “new” proposal by an Orthodox rabbi or organization aimed at solving some well-known problem of halakhah. The proposal will draw favorable reviews for its innovation and creativity, even as its author or authors insist that their idea is “strictly kosher,” that it fits well within the structure and the strictures  of Orthodox halakhah. Yet when we read the proposal closely we can’t help but think: haven’t we heard this before? Wasn’t this same idea put forth some years ago by a non-Orthodox rabbi or organization? And didn’t the Orthodox rabbinate reject it at the time precisely because of its origin among the “heretics?”

This is one of those times. Continue reading The Persistence of Progressive Halakhic Ideas

Army Service for All: In Memory of Rabbi Moshe Zemer, ז”ל

     

The Israel Supreme Court recently struck down the law that effectively exempted most ḥaredi (“ultra-Orthodox”) yeshiva students from serving in the country’s military (Tzahal). The legal issues are complex (Hebrew readers: see here for the full decision or here for a summary), but the central question of the case  carries deep social and moral implications. We are talking, after all, about whether a significant segment of Israel’s population will be exempted from shivayon banetel, from sharing equally the burden of national defense. Like many (most? almost all?) social and moral issues, it is also a question of halakhah. And that brings to mind the memory of our colleague and teacher, Rabbi Moshe Zemer, zikhrono liv’rakhah. Continue reading Army Service for All: In Memory of Rabbi Moshe Zemer, ז”ל